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By Harold. A. Innis

Acta Victoriana, February, 6-9, 1941

The political effects of the last war were evident in a reduced Liberal party under Laurier, the emergence of a union government threatening to dissolve immediately the war was ended, and governments, dominated by farmers in the provinces of Alberta, Ontario and Manitoba. The Liberal party was weakened by the split which occurred with Union government, and the Conservative party was compelled to meet the attacks of malcontents on all sides.

With the death of Laurier the task of rebuilding the party was committed to the hands of Mr. W. L. M. King. The ancestry evident in his surnames, youth, energy, political tact, association with Laurier during the election of 1917, and experiences in the administrative field, first as a member of the Department of Labour and later as Minister of Labour, combined to support effective leadership. With the complete support of the constituencies of Quebec and a small group of Liberals from other provinces who had not joined Union government and of those who had withdrawn from Union government, he was able to secure a tenuous hold of administration and gradually to improve his position by winning over numbers of farmers’ groups. The talk of welding a party from these diverse organizations involved concessions of a large and diverse character. The protectionism of Quebec prohibited substantial lowering of tariffs in response to the demands of Western Canada and the upward swing of business activity in the twenties favoured concessions in the form of railway rate reductions and capital investments such as railways and harbour facilities. The restoration of the Crowsnest Pass rates agreement, construction of the Hudson Bay Railway, and return of natural resources to the prairie provinces in Western Canada were matched in the Maritime provinces by the appointment of the Duncan Commission, increase in subsidies, and the Maritime Freight Rates Act. The effect of regionalism was reflected in the weakness of appointments to the Board of Railway Commissioners and even to the Cabinet. The Canadian National Railways was sensitive to political pressure in the construction and acquisition of branch lines and hotels. Pressure from regions and occupational groups was accompanied by pressure from political groups—all anxious and able to take advantage of the weak position of the Liberal party. As a result of an extremely small Liberal majority Mr. Woodsworth was able to secure the promise and adoption of old age pensions.

Provincial party organizations were gradually restored as a basis for federal party strength. As a result of defeat in the federal field, Conservatives concentrated their attention on the provinces. Mr. Rhodes succeeded in capturing the Liberal stronghold in Nova Scotia and Mr. Ferguson displaced the farmers in Ontario. Farmers’ organizations though weakened in the federal field held on with great tenacity in the prairie provinces. Alberta and Manitoba came under the control of Mr. Brownlee and Mr. Bracken. Saskatchewan remained faithful to the Liberal party and British Columbia supported Mr. Oliver, and was rewarded with more favourable railway rates from the prairies to Pacific coast ports.

The enormous demands on the energies of the Liberal party during a period of reconstruction left it ill-equipped to meet the problems of the depression. Appointments made with regard to race, religion, place of birth and ability weaken the importance of the last named qualification. Increasing emphasis on other qualifications weakened not only the Liberal administration but also the succeeding Conservative administration under Mr. Bennett. His own appointment as leader of the Conservative party was partly a result of regional considerations. He was compelled to carry an extremely heavy load on his shoulders during a period of depression, to bring men from the provinces as in the case of Mr. Rhodes and Mr. Ferguson and to depend on Cabinet appointments without special relation to ability. Mr. Bennett was restricted not only in personnel but also in policy. In opposition to the Liberal policy he favoured higher tariffs and more efficient administrative enforcement of customs regulations. The levels were increased and Imperial agreements were worked out. The inadequacies of higher tariffs during a depression period and problems of public and private debt which followed the expansion of the twenties compelled him to turn to monetary policy. He followed up the suggestions of the World Economic Conference and possibly under the influence of New Deal legislation in the United States appointed a Royal Commission on Banking and established the Bank of Canada. The effects of the strain were evident in the installation of legislative machinery and in the difficulties with Mr. Stevens. The civil service on the one hand suffered from drastic cuts during the depression and on the other gained from the addition of new machinery. The House of Commons suffered from the inadequacies of the Liberal party and from the tendency toward bureaucracy incidental to Mr. Bennett’s difficulties. The Conservative party was weakened in the provincial as well as the federal field. Mr. Hepburn left the federal field to capture Ontario from the Conservative party weakened by loss of Mr. Ferguson. In Nova Scotia the loss of Mr. Rhodes contributed to the defeat of the Conservatives. The depression was in part responsible for these political losses and also for the defeat of the Liberals in the province of Saskatchewan.

The difficulties of the Conservative party in the federal and in the provincial fields were the opportunities of the Liberal party. Successes in the provincial field were the bases of success in the federal field. The tactics of the party favoured attacks on the government’s tariff policy. Professor Norman Rogers, a former secretary of Mr. King, effectively developed arguments against the tariff and in favour of adjustments of a compensatory character. The effect of his work was evident in the large amount of editorial space devoted to a discussion of his conclusions especially by newspapers in the areas in which the burden of the tariff was shown to be heavy. These attacks and the depression brought defeat to Mr. Bennett’s administration.

On the return of Mr. King he followed a policy of appointing younger men, in some cases, without experience in either the provincial or the federal fields. He stated his intention of avoiding consultation with provincial premiers as to his appointments and followed a policy which contrasted sharply with that of Laurier in 1896, except in the case of Saskatchewan. Younger men were in control of the Liberal governments in the provinces and younger men were in control of federal posts. Federal appointments were consequently weaker than would have been the case if the whole field had been drawn upon. The position of the Liberal party was probably stronger and the Liberal provincial governments were definitely stronger.

The limitations of federal Cabinet ministers placed them under a handicap in dealing with experienced and able leaders in the provinces. Federal ministers were compelled to lean more heavily on the Civil Service which Mr. Bennett had built up to meet his needs during the depression. Indeed the bureaucracy became more effective under Mr. King than under the strong hand of Mr. Bennett. Royal Commissions were appointed to strengthen its position. The outbreak of war intensified the problem. The enormous increase in demands on the federal ministers exposed numerous weaknesses and led to reshuffles in Cabinet posts. Ministers turned increasingly to the civil service and again weaknesses became evident. It was necessary to depend on business men and academic ranks. Boards^[1] were multiplied and the great march on Ottawa became a rush. Appointments which would have occasioned much shaking of heads in times of peace were made without question in times of war. Parliament has been scuttled and eclipsed, and members complain of dreary sessions in which they listen to essays written for tired Cabinet ministers by their secretaries. The opposition is powerless without secret sessions of parliament.^[2] Political exigencies have enormously enhanced the complexity of our war effort. All of which is to point to weaknesses persisting since the last war and not to criticize the administration.

TRANSCRIBER NOTES

Misspelled words and printer errors have been corrected. Where multiple spellings occur, majority use has been employed.

Punctuation has been maintained except where obvious printer errors occur.

A cover which is placed in the public domain was created for this ebook.

[The end of Notes on Politics since 1918, by Harold A. Innis]